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Guys, even young ones who have grown up speaking official putonghua, are harder to understand than women. The Fujianese-Mandarin inflection is almost as unintelligible as the local dialect. Local products such as beer, milk and cigarettes are powerful badges, more emotionally-charged than national and international brands. Patriarchal societies are tough. Men have the power but they have to prove themselves to women. Marriage is, first and foremost, a commitment, a contract between husband and wife to stand by each other during difficult times.

Guys have to justify her love. Girlfriends leash boyfriends in shopping malls, credit cards dangling from necks. Romance is nice but it ranks third after money and the child. Ruth look alluring. Wives will divorce if he has an affair. She will grin and bear a night with a call girl. Big brands are rooted in trust. Haier, a large appliance behemoth, is popular because of its after sales service program.

Local banks, despite shoddy service, are embraced because they omnipresent. Still, most international brands are actively preferred due to their international scale and credibility. Most Chinese believe in Intel and Microsoft more than God; both brands are massive, exuding global leadership. Stamps of endorsement, germ-killing, and anti-toxicity claims are ubiquitous. Once the coast is clear, denizens of the Middle Kingdom are spectacularly pragmatic. Their elasticity can be both awe-inspiring and disconcerting.

Everyone charges ahead while managing to abide by social convention. Barriers are everywhere—life is a game of dodge ball—but the successful evade them. Chinese resourcefulness, it must be said, has served the nation well. The productive energies of all Chinese are unleashed at the drop of a hat. Marital institutions, as suggested in Chapter X, are also pragmatic. Husbands and wives are willing to spend years living in different cities for professional or material gain.

The border city of Shenzhen, a farming village 25 years ago, boasts a population of 5 million. Everyone in Shenzhen, as soon as opportunity rang, made a beeline to a new Entrepreneurial Mecca. Macro-economically, China is much more open to foreign investment than was Japan at a similar point in its development.

Culturally, foreign influences are tolerated—even embraced—if they serve Chinese interests. When Starbucks opened in the Forbidden City, the nation was not offended; it applauded a savvy integration of East and West. Pragmatic elasticity has a darker side. As yin segues to yang and light fades to dark, right and wrong are always relative.

Self-serving practicality is amoral. Red packets stuffed with money are given to surgeons to ensure proper attention. Young, aggressive professionals hop promiscuously from job to job, lured by small pay increases. Human achievement occurs in pre-programmed stages. Likewise, the requirements for advancement—i. Today, entrepreneurialism has complicated matters. But men still progress with precision. First, graduates college. Second, he gets a job. Third, by the time he is 28, he buys an apartment.

Fourth, by the time he is 35, he marries. Few women wed without a square meter flat. Sixth, he has a child or buys a car. Seventh, by forty, he starts his own business. Deviating from this trajectory is suspect. Women are ambitious too. But she must never leap; she glides forward. Like a lynx, she slinks ahead step by step, barely noticed by prey. Without graceful femininity, she becomes a freak of nature. Angular vixens, suited in hot red, strutting to the fore, jabbing fingers or pounding fists, do not marry.

This accounts for Hello Kitty fixations; cosmetic surgery for big, round eyes; the ubiquity of Snoopy and Sailor Moon paraphernalia; an obsession for doll-like porcelain skin; and addiction to hair alignment shampoo and sexy cheap underwear. Incremental progression, while productive, happens within regimented social and political hierarchies. Individually and societally, eyes are bigger than stomachs.

Everyone wants to advance by leaps and bounds but hops on one foot. Aggressive discharges, while occasionally hostile, are rarely rebellious and never challenge the system, the stability of which is essential for pressing forward in the first place. But, in a Confucian society, individual expression is forever taboo. Youth, are drawn to activities that channel stifled ambition. Voodoo dolls are all the rage. Video-games are much more violent in China and Korea than in the U. Chatting, popular everywhere in the world, is an obsession in the PRC.

Youth develop virtual identities by paying big bucks for on-line fashion accessories and hair styles. Marketers have caught on. The country, shielded by 21st century hi-tech anonymity, declared independence from traditional order and, in the process, created a sensation. The government has now banned SMS contests. The New Generation is, more now than ever, connected to the outside world. Yet corrosive nationalism is always just below the surface, ready to boil over given any provocation, perceived or real.

Individual ambition is repressed. But demand for national recognition is both insatiable and official policy. Released repression is not always angry. Innocuous, calming oases of relief are ubiquitous. Massage, spas and karaoke parlors, both PG and X-rated, are everywhere, as are old-style, sofas with huge cushions. Elaborate bathhouses—huge, neo-Classical or rococo affairs with plaster statues of Greek nymphs in saunas—are found office towers and shopping centers.

Once a Chinese starts to move forward, however incrementally, he must display progress to both himself and society. First, in a culture where anti-individualism reigns, self-esteem is inextricably linked to external acknowledgement. Egos are huge. Very few Chinese define identity based on self-actualized satisfaction. Second, the PRC is a competitive, dog-eat-dog environment; everyone scales the same, narrow ladder. By projecting status, territory is marked and adversaries are warned not to mess with someone going to the top.

Every Chinese flaunts triumph. Those with less experience—i. They swagger, with one arm weighed down by a gold watch. Even diamond rings for men sell well in the PRC. The stereotype of effeminate Chinese men is a myth; they take their responsibility as provider seriously. They act big and talk bigger, booming commands into Motorola mobile phones. Guys get shy in unfamiliar environments. But on home turf, they roar.

More is better. Business cards—the thicker, the mightier—display multiple titles and academic degrees. Pride is directly correlated to office size. Derogatory or not, brands are vital status projectors—identity surrogates—on business and social battlefields. The golden role of marketing to the new Chinese shopper: maximize display. Middle Kingdom subjects are more willing to pay a price premium for goods consumed in public.

From a cup of coffee at Starbucks and a slice of foreign pizza to designer mobile phones and torn Levi jeans, penny pinched Chinese will pay a premium for labels other people see. Products used in the home, on the other hand, are usually local and sold at low prices. The Han are not willing to invest in Steuben glass or top-of-the-line Toto toilets. Mont Blanc pens—with its conspicuously inconspicuous white star on the tip—are big.

The rich and powerful show off by not showing off. Instead, these icons, new generation exemplars of Confucian restraint, avoid glitz and, instead, drop pearls of wisdom. One has not arrived until one publishes a secret-of-my-success book. The most expensive cognacs and whiskey advertise nuggets of erudition.

China is me. Beijing has little charm; distances are vast and taxis are small. But, if nothing else, the capital is imperial. Office buildings are huge, awe-inspiring Dark Star monoliths. Gilded lobbies of public buildings lead to shabby hallways and tin pot bathrooms that always smell bad.

Futuristic, thrusting airport facades hide paper-mache walls and rusted toilets. Neon—dazzling, Technicolor, audacious—is everywhere. Rocket launches, the Olympics, chip patents and a Chinese director winning an Oscar are opportunities to extol Middle Kingdom glory. The pageantry of a Communist Party Plenum leaves a Presidential inauguration in the dust.

Once the launching pad has been cleared of debris, the Chinese prepare for take off. An explosion of new opportunity plus age old Confucian drive has created the most aggressive nation in history. And yet no one knows quite how to go about achieving greatness.

The Chinese will stop at nothing to get ahead. Parents, particularly since the single child policy, lavish princely sums on the little emperor who is half toddler, half long-term investment. Education is an obsession. The college entrance exam is a recurring national trauma during which Buddha comes out of the closet. If a child is not good in math, he is stupid. The PRC is not a participatory sporting nation. Westerners want to believe the Communist Party abducts the child and locks him in gymnasiums until his Olympic debut.

But Mom and Dad are cheering from the sidelines. Violin lessons, art classes and computer programming camps are alternative success vehicles. Job hopping is endemic by Feet start itching a year without a promotion. Until a few years ago, go-getter would sell a right arm or left hand to land a Masters in the United States, Europe or Australia.

Given the burgeoning opportunity of recent years, a foreign degree, while still fine, is not imperative. Even lowly traffic guards aspire to become Emperor of the Corner. Regardless of whether you are an expat, party apparatchik, street sweeper or starlet, he will chop off feet if you make a step before the light turns green.

Cash equals conquest. Shanghai and Beijing somethings flock to cosmetic surgeons to land a premium husband or job. Self-esteem is a moot point. Psychologists are for crazy people. Sometimes the urge to surge can be destructive or, at least, inappropriate. Even on the road, competition is fierce. In any city, crossing the street is a death trek. Drivers honk and weak, careening around corners, flooring the pedal to beat yellow lights.

Pedestrian right of way is a theoretical abstraction. Throughout history—from the re building of the Great Wall and Grand Canal to the recent Herculean Olympic project—the country knows how to amass great resources for the collective good. This is top-down, macro-engineering. Large-scale projects are everywhere. The structure of the telecommunications and information technology industries, nurtured in the U.

The highway system, overnight, has spread across the entire nation. By , there will be modern airports, up from less than a hundred a few years ago. Large swathes of the population are, by fiat, relocated into sterile suburbs miles away from their original community and shockingly few complain.

They are really and truly willing to sacrifice for the motherland. A famous maxim: from 1, streams a mighty river flows. There are two reasons for this. First, the Chinese fear chaos and therefore embrace a strong central government. For them the choice is stark: a strong, ordered, authoritarian China, managed by a legion of technocratic engineers, or implosion.

All but the most brazen fringes of society would ever think of organizing dissent unless survival was at stake. Chinese want to be led. Second, the Han are proudly patriotic and fiercely nationalistic. This is driven by individual ambition that rarely finds release. The nation, therefore, serves as surrogate identity for the striver who, on a daily basis, is forced to March in line. The Chinese love celebrations, large or small. Foreigners are regarded with wonder.

The Chinese are curiously delighted, not Stepfordized. Despite frustration with soulless Pudong airport or passive-aggressive receptionists, the PRC is warmly vibrant. When safety is assured and progress is real, China lets the good times roll with gusto. When the PRC landed the Olympics, the entire country erupted with glee.

During my first trip to Shanghai, the bright, hopeful eyes—the vibrant facial expressions of adults and children on the street—made an indelible impression. Parks are full of happiness. Old men bond with their chess-playing buddies, laughter spreading over nothing in particular. I could continue the examples, but I hope this amply illustrates my point. The different theoretical considerations poststructuralist anarchism, postmodern anarchism, etc. Its study might go a long way for anyone interested in the anarchism of poststructuralist thought.

Outlook At the risk of stating the obvious one more time, what seems most important are ideas and concepts, not names and labels. The former will remain when the latter are long gone. We will see what legacy will remain of postmodernity; given the passe-partout levels that the term has reached, I am not holding my breath. The future relevance of poststructuralist theory for — or rather, within — the anarchist tradition will depend on the ways in which its ideas and concepts will inspire and strengthen our struggles.

Here, then, are but a few aspects of poststructuralist thought in no particular order in whose concomitant potentials I strongly believe:5 1 A profound and fervent critique of the Truthwhich undermines all tendencies towards Platonic totalitarianism.

Its only purpose is to inspire further reading, discussion and exploration — both to help us in our struggles and which for me amounts to the same thing to retain the radical anarchist, if you will legacy of the so-called poststructuralist thinkers. References Albert, M. Bey, H. Call, L. Carter, J. Carter and D. Cohn, J. Available www. Anarchism, postmodernity, and poststructuralism 25 Day, R.

Hardt, M. Koch, A. Lyotard, J. Marti, U. Morland, D. Purkis and J. Bowen eds , Changing Anarchism: anarchist theory and practice in a global age, Manchester: Manchester University Press. Newman, S. It is purposely abstract and philosophical. There are many other ways to make its case, some of which I am working on, some of which others are working on — or, for that matter, living out. In my case, abstraction has a purpose.

This is a telegram to my many possible communities; thus its abrupt prose. I seek dialogue, discussion, incorporation, and mutation; thus my overly interrogative tone. What is at stake in talking or writing about anarchismas theory, contemplation, or philosophy?

They seem to mean something like a series of positions, or decisions, concerning fundamental questions. That is what I want to make manifest: an emergent philosophy that dissolves the certainty according to which there is or ought to be a center, principle, or beginning of, or for, thought and action.

A thinking that does not teach anarchy but enacts it. In the same way and for the same reasons that anarchist practices are both incredibly common and dramatically underdeveloped most folks in fact do engage in mutual aid, direct action, etc. It borders on tautology or absurdity, as all appeals to such common practices and ideas ulti- mately tend to do. Tautology and absurdity: this implies the question, not just of pedagogy, but of ideology as well. Perhaps they shared the more or less explicit sense that these citations and inspirations would justify ontologically, epistemologically or provoke ethically, aesthetically their own anarchism — and so make others anarchists as well.

But herein lies the problem. Whatever becoming anarchist entails, it is ultimately neither the subject of a pedagogy nor the object of an ideology. Anarchist philosophy, a thinking in which anything goes, is just philosophy, apprehended from the perspective of anarchy.

It is philosophy insofar as it arises from anarchy, concludes in it, enacts or is enacted by anarchy. To the extent that it is just philosophy, it is already there. To the extent that its relation to anarchy remains to be explicated, it has yet to be created. This is the problem with decision: anarchist theory, on analogy with many other sorts of theories, has been approached largely from a perspective that presupposes scarcity: the belief that only one theory can adequately model anarchy.

In good or in bad faith someone decides what it is, could be, should be — and proceeds to debate or negotiate its particulars. I am not writing here of what people say their theories contain, but of how they act. I prefer to write and think from a perspective that presupposes abundance. There are many actual and possible philosophies that operate anar - chistically. They do not need intellectual hegemony to be effective. In this way we might become interested in the undecidable: not a new philosophy, exactly, but a new complex of relations among philosophies.

As I read Kropotkin passim , his most interesting claim is that mutual aid just happens, all the time, in the animal world and in human societies of all sorts. Philosophy might, however, intensify them, by making them more interesting, more compelling, more seductive, more of a lure for feeling or action. Anarchist impulses appear here, there, anywhere, anytime, almost any place at least in tendency.

It is of little interest to divide, in thought or action, any social practice from anarchy, even the most repressive or authoritarian ones. The question is: what is there here in which anything goes? What is there in this practice, this activity, in which relations are anarchic? When exploring this question often all we can do is open- endedly explore or navigate through a given territory we may be traversing unknown realms of dream and imagination.

I am thinking of an ontologically grounded or founded anarchism, in which anarchy is the Ultimate, the ground or foundation, the most fundamental reality. As anarchy, being is somethingand nothing, wound in a weave entirely too chaotic to be resolved in any dialectic. The interest of making the claim is to intensify ourselves. Parodically, seriously, we engage in ontology and perhaps eventually undo it as well.

I suggest that we can grasp our immediate, everyday experience of desire and affect as the feeling of anarchy. I call our everyday experience, conscious or not, of desire and affect, the libidinal economy. Of course the phrase is Freudian, but its most remarkable ontological challenges are found in texts such as that of Deleuze and Guattari, and Lyotard.

Why desire and affect? Multiplicities of desire and affect circulate before anything else does — or rather, in order for anything else to circulate. These impulses, in their tendency to invest each other, in their inexorable succession, in their insistenceas investment, are chaotic-creative. Thus we have attained an ontological dimension: not just the impulse of anarchy, but also the anarchy of impulse. That is what is utterly common, what has recurred under countless names in history.

In the libidinal-affective economy, anything goes. Desiring and affective investments can and do change. And the libidinal economists did not invent them! The evaluation was ethical and qualitative. They often deny that desire plays any role in their composition at all! Group subjects are open to mutation, seeking more artful arrangements of desire and affect. Importantly, the two dispositions are almost always present in the same groups.

At this stage, the proposal was largely political: a dissection of group subjectivity into authoritarian and liberatory impulses. In short: given our impulsive life, some investments are better than others. So we need an ethics or a politics of the libidinal economy. However, it is also possible that one cannot evaluate in this way.

One may compose or practice a politics or ethics of or for the libidinal economy, lining it up in one way or another with the political economy that it precedes; but as for the impulses themselves, it is impossible to take a position. From one perspective, that of Guattari and Deleuze, the group-subject, the active and joyful affects, free desire even! They are best because they are the most intense manifestation of anarchy, and what is called freedom or liberation pivots on their analytic invention and discovery and re- invention and re-discovery.

For Lyotard, all of this sounds like another not-quite-forgotten authoritarian morality. He rejects any grounding in nature and perhaps even points beyond grounding altogether. Here anarchist activity pivots on the acknowledgment of chaos, on the thoroughly ambiguous character of the libidinal economy, without claiming to opt for one aspect or another of it. So many impulsive investments wearing so many masks, ever more carnivalesque, of an anarchic history in which anything goes.

We make ourselves in the practices that make us, and that process is anarchy , the anarchy of impulse and the ways of living that express or designate it. It is interesting, then, not because it is right or just; and not because it can be taught; but because in it anything goes.

From one side of the libidinal economy there might be a way of freeing desire from its grip, affective life from its structures. From the other there might not. Either way, we cannot do without this question. Mutual aid, direct action, etc. Attention to differences in location — where, not when, anarchy manifests in all intensity — underlines the importance of space, geohistorical space, the archipelago of territories that make us as we make them.

For every practice implies and involves a territory. That, it seems to me, is the importance of the transitional idea of our selves as multiple and as masks. Suddenly the thinking mutates, and libidinal economy is not the sole story of anarchy. We would like to know where the masks come from. Yet another kind of anarchist philosophy is possible: a thinking entangled in, and by, the voids, real and apparent, between philosophies and cosmologies, curious about, even obsessed with geohistorical openings where other names and intuitions of anarchy thrive or fail, larval and half-formed.

Indeed, these voids are also places inside and between instituted territories. In the interstices that compose a global archipelago of minority and marginality, there is suffering, as everywhere; there might also be a greater chance for something new and unexpected to insist for us. An ontogenesis, maybe, that is interesting or vital precisely in its fragility.

Anarchists might rediscover the marvels of abandoning the imaginary of force, intensity, strength, and orient their practices around the larval, the fragile, the failed, even. Gathering with border dwellers, refugees, and exiles, cohabitating with multiply-tongued and -cultured mestizos of every sort, anarchists could learn what they share with those without one primary territory, those whose philosophy is fabricated piecemeal.

The closure that shuts out the libidinal economy by making it secondary or subordinate; the closure that makes the impulses the property of a person; the closure that obscures how a mask is already the trace of a territory. When anarchists decide upon or claim to a philosophy or ideology, one destined for victory, do we not ultimately imply we are done with masks and fetishisms? To have distinguished the true and the false, the strong and the weak? To produce but not be produced?

The alternative would be to act as some sexual, especially fetishists among us today do and assume fetishes and masks in their risky and desirable positivity. Our fetishes may not seem like fetishes. We might call them obsessions, preoccupations, recurring themes, repetitions, or dreams. Or just impulses when our impulses are known.

But they all have this curious structure: we fabricate them, as feelings or situations, so that they can fabricate us. To philosophize in this way is to grasp multiple worlds or natures and the larval cosmologies and proto-philosophies that do not explain but rather expand, add to, them as fabrications. What happens when a complex of impulses that wants to contemplate, to theorize, to philosophize, to invent a cosmos, knows itself as such, discovers its own contemplation?

The mask comes to life O pleasure! It is interested in and knows it emanates from anarchy without claiming or needing to make anarchy a ground. We may not be able to contemplate them, or embody them in our practices. It is a way to recognize other instances of anarchy, which surely call themselves by other names and wear different masks; selves that experience anarchy otherwise.

Is it enough for anarchy to have but One philosophy or theory, however com - pelling its claims? Echoing Stirner: you anarchists, you say you want no masters? Then do not make Being your master! Dissolve the One, that egg laid by the philosopher-cop in your head! Just One philosophy, merely One reality 17 — does that not inherently limit who we can enter into dialogue or alliance with? One day we might be fortunate enough to regard all that as a matter of taste! Why not make councils and assemblies what they already are and can be: councils of thought, assemblies of opacity and communi- cation?

How not to feel, in solitary silences, the lonely breakthroughs of other worlds? According to this voice of anarchy, there is no single criterion for knowledge or practice, no need for that sort of universality. What we want to know, rather, is how to build relations, or relations of non-relation, between forms and ways of life. Criteria appear only in the sense that they are emergent in singular territories and modes of territoriality. They are irreparably local.

There can be — ethically, politically, and anti-politically — no preferred, central, geohistorical location from which — in which — to think or do. Instead, we could begin to embody a multiplicity of criteria, not arranged in an abstract hierarchy but rather distributed in geo- historical spacetime, corresponding to multiple contingent instantiations-insis- tences or expressions of anarchy. Thus, becoming-anarchist. There is no way to decide between various ways of being individuals or groups, except in local terms of broad or narrow geohistorical locations — or even situations.

At any rate, traditions and the criticism of traditions. My impulse is, rather, to tell some story other than that of enclosure-scarcity-alienation. References Bookchin, M. Deleuze, G. Frye, M. Guattari, F. Huizinga, J.

Knabb, K. Kropotkin, P. Landauer, G. Mignolo, W. Stirner, M. In its classical era, which dates roughly from the time of Proudhon in the s to the time of Goldman in the s, it sought to inspire the working class to rise up against the church, the state, and capitalism see, for example, Goldman Most U. That is, racism was a tool the bosses used to divide the working class that would disappear once class society was abolished.

Anarchists appealed for racial unity against the bosses but they never analyzed white supremacy as a relatively autonomous form of power in its own right Roediger , With a few exceptions, contemporary anarchism which dates roughly from Bookchin to Zerzan , has not done much better. Yet with few exceptions, the contemporary American anarchist milieu still has not analyzed race as a form of power in its own right, or as a potential source of solidarity.

As a consequence, anarchism remains a largely white ideology in the US. Despite this troublesome tradition, American anarchist thought and practice can provide a powerful analysis of race. Some recent anarchist or anarchist-friendly organizations, including the journal Race Traitor and the organizations Love and Rage, Anarchist People of Color, and Bring the Ruckus, have gone some way toward developing such an analysis.

Racial oppression is not simply one of many forms of domination; it has played a central role in the development of capitalism in the United States. As a result, struggles against racial oppression have a strategic centrality to them that other struggles do not. Rather, it is a central source of a radical class consciousness in the US. But in building infoshops and idolizing insurrection, the American anarchist milieu has let the vital work of organizing fall through the middle. An effective anarchist approach to race, then, requires setting new priorities regarding political activity.

An anarchist theory of race starts with three principles. Second, white supremacy is the central means of maintaining capitalist hegemony in the United States. To understand American history in order to change it, American anarchists should look less toward Europe and more toward the histories of peoples of color in their own back yard.

Hierarchy, hegemony, and white supremacy The intellectual framework of most of contemporary American anarchism rests on a critique of hierarchy. This analysis of hierarchy has broadened contemporary anarchism into a critique of all forms of oppression, including capitalism, the state, and organized religion but also patriarchy, heterosexism, anthropocentrism, racism, and more.

Other versions of this argument substitute class with gender or nationality. Further, its critique of class reductionism is powerful, for while patriarchy is surely connected to capitalism, for example, it can hardly be reduced to it. Despite these strengths, however, the anarchist critique of all forms of oppression fails to provide a theory of US history because it is unable to distinguish those forms of oppression that have been central to the structuring and ordering of US society.

In other words, it lacks the ability to explain how various forms of hierarchy are themselves hierarchically organized. But this does not mean that all forms of oppression have played an equal role in shaping the American social structure. The American state, for example, was not built on animal cruelty or child abuse, however pervasive and heinous these forms of domination are.

Rather, as I will argue below, it was built on white supremacy, which has shaped nearly every other form of oppression in the United States, including class, gender, religion, and the state and animal cruelty and child abuse. The critique of hierarchy, in other words, mistakenly blends a moral condem- nation of all forms of oppression with a political and strategic analysis of how power functions in the US.

It resists the notion that in certain historical contexts, certain forms of hierarchy play a more central role in shaping society than do others. For this reason, it assumes that there is no more need to understand white supremacy than, say, vivisection, since both are equally evil and interconnected forms of domination.

Such a history should begin with the rich tradition of Black radical thought, which has examined the contradictions of capitalism in the US in more depth and power than any other literature. One of the great theorists in this tradition is W. Du Bois. Rather than uniting with Black workers to overthrow the ruling class and build a new society, as classical anarchist and communist theory predicts, white workers throughout American history have chosen to side with capital.

Through a tacit but nonetheless real agreement, the white working class ensures the continuous and relatively undisturbed accumu- lation of capital by policing the rest of the working class rather than uniting with it. In exchange, white workers receive racial privileges, largely paid for by capitalists and guaranteed by the democratic political system.

It must be remembered that the white group of laborers, while they received a low wage, were compensated in part by a sort of public and psychological wage. They were given public deference and titles of courtesy because they were white. They were admitted freely with all classes of white people to public functions, public parks, and the best schools. The police were drawn from their ranks, and the courts, dependent upon their votes, treated them with such leniency as to encourage lawlessness.

The racial order in the United States, then, is essentially a cross-class alliance between capital and one section of the working class Olson Similarly, whites are whites because they are treated like whites. Some, such as Irish and Jewish immigrants, started out in the subordinate category but over time successfully became white Ignatiev ; Brodkin Others, such as Mexican American elites in California in the nineteenth century, started out as white but lost their superior status and were thrown into the not-white group Almaguer This system of racial oppression has been central to the maintenance of capitalist hegemony in the United States.

In the United States, it has been through the racial order. The wages of whiteness have undermined the solidarity that the work- ing class otherwise develops daily in its activities. It has fundamentally shaped other hierarchies, such as gender, ethnicity, sexuality, and religion, refracting them through its prism. The racial order in the United States, then, is not merely one form of hierarchy among others. It is a form of hierarchy that shapes and organizes the others in order to ensure capitalist accumulation.

Morally, it is not more evil than other forms of domination, but politically it has played a more central role in organizing American society. Strategically speaking, then, one would think that the racial order would be a central target of American anarchist analysis and strategy.

Curiously, this has not been the case. Between infoshops and insurrection It is surprising how little thought the American anarchist milieu has given to strategy, much less to a strategy for breaking up the racial order. I call these models infoshops and insurrection. An insurrection, meanwhile, is the armed uprising of the people. As localized insurrections grow and spread, they combine into a full-scale revolution that overthrows the state and capital and makes possible the creation of a free society.

Likewise, insurrection is a central event in any revolution, for it turns the patient organizing of the movement and the boiling anger of the people into an explosive confrontation with the state. The problem is when infoshops and insurrection are seen as revolutionary strategies in themselves rather than as part of a broader revolutionary movement. In the infoshop model, autonomous spaces become the movement for radical change rather than serving it. The insurrection model tries to replace movement building with spontaneous upheaval rather than seeing upheaval as an outcome of social movements.

The infoshops and insurrection models, in other words, both misunderstand the process of social transformation. Radical change may be initiated by spontaneous revolts that are supported by subterranean free spaces, but these revolts are almost always the product of prior political movement building, and their gains must be consolidated by political organizations, not the spaces such organizations use. Social movements, then, are central to radical change.

Yet surprisingly much of the contemporary anarchist milieu has abandoned movement building. Indeed, anarchist publications like Green Anarchy are explicit about this, deriding movement building as inherently authoritarian for example Morefus n. A revolution is an actual historical event whereby one class overthrows another and — in the anarchist ideal — thereby makes it possible to abolish all forms of oppression.

Neither the infoshops nor insurrection models build movements that can express the organized power of the working class. Ironically, this leads many anarchists to take an elitist approach to political work. Millions of ordinary and oppressed people do. This is an idealistic, ahistorical, and, ironically, an elitist approach to politics, one that is curiously separated from the struggles of the oppressed themselves. Movement building and the racial order Which brings us back to the racial order.

The intellectual tradition of American anarchism has always looked more toward Europe and sometimes Mexico than the United States. One consequence of this European focus, I suspect, is that it has contributed to the predominantly white demographic of the contemporary anarchist milieu.

The ignorance of Black freedom movements is so profound that even anarchistic tendencies within them get ignored. Further, racial consciousness produced in these has often been more broad, radical, and international than the conscious- ness produced in other struggles see, for example, Kelley ; Singh There is more to learn from abolitionism than Haymarket, more from Reconstruction than the Spanish Civil War, more from the current social conditions of Black America than the global South.

To recognize this, however, requires that the American anarchist milieu modify its critique of hierarchy in order to understand how forms of unjust power are themselves organized. It requires it to abandon the infoshops and insurrections models for a commitment to building movements. It requires, in other words, that the milieu view the US from a non-white perspective.

This is not to say that American anarchism has been completely silent on race. But it is hardly a dominant perspective in the anarchist milieu today. It never captured the hearts and minds of masses of ordinary people. A similar optimism followed the uprising in Seattle in Today anarchism in the US is in about the same place it was in a static ideology and a loose milieu of largely white twenty - somethings, kept together by occasional gatherings, short-lived collectives, the underground music scene, and a handful of magazines and websites.

What went wrong in and ? World events, in other words, smothered libertarian socialism between neoliberalism and funda- mentalism. But part of the problem, I have suggested, lies with anarchism itself. But what if this was to change? What if American anarchists went from building infoshops and plotting insurrections to building movements, particularly move- ments against the racial order?

They could still build free spaces and encourage insurrection, of course, but these efforts would be part of a broader strategy rather than strategies in themselves. What if anar- chists, in addition to supporting jailed comrades, worked with family members of incarcerated people to build movements against prisons? The anarchist milieu might just build a movement. References Almaguer, T. Brodkin, K. Crenshaw, K. Du Bois, W. Forman, J. Freeman, J. Goldman, E.

Gramsci, A. Hoare and G. Smith, New York: International. Ignatiev, N. The problem with infoshops and insurrection 45 James, C. Kelley, R. Morefus, A. Olson, J. Perry, L. Ransby, B. Roediger, D. Roediger and F. Singh, N. Thomas, P. Wright, R. The result is a lack of attention to issues such as gender. Gender and patriarchy are undertheorized in most anarchist thought; thus it follows that anarchism has not adequately addressed the practical concerns of women.

Anarchists who also identify as feminists have struggled with these theoretical and practical tensions. In this chapter, I explore the following question: How can we prevent violence against women and respond to such harms without relying on law and governmental authority? Anarchists have not been clear about such topics, except to surmise that violence will diminish when people are freed from the domination of the State.

The shooting of Voltairine de Cleyre, the nineteenth-century anarchist feminist, is a prime illustration of this. In December of , de Cleyre was on her way to give a tutoring lesson. As she stepped onto a streetcar, Herman Helcher, a former pupil, raised a pistol and shot her point blank in the chest. De Cleyre managed to run half a block before collapsing. The bullets were never removed from her body and she suffered the rest of her life from the effects of the wounds Avrich De Cleyre refused to identify Helcher as her assailant or to press charges against him.

She instead dictated the following statement to the Philadelphia North American — : The boy who, they say, shot me is crazy. Lack of proper food and healthy labor made him so. He ought to be put into an asylum. It would be an outrage against civilization if he were sent to jail for an act which was the product of a diseased brain.

Shortly before I was shot the young man sent me a letter which was pitiful — nothing to eat, no place to sleep, no work. Before that I had not heard from him for two years. I have no resentment towards the man. As de Cleyre rightly proclaims, violence must be understood within the social context of inequality. What ends up missing from the analysis, however, is consideration of the gendered violence that emerges within a male-dominated society.

Her anarchism did not have space for acknowledging the harm done to her. This chapter invites such a dialogue. I begin with a brief introduction to anarchist feminist thought regarding gender oppression. This is followed by a discussion of restorative justice, a philosophy and movement which is gaining ground as an alternative to the state-controlled apparatus of crime response and punishment.

The State and patriarchy are seen as twin aberrations. To destroy the State is to destroy a major agent of patriarchy; to abolish patriarchy is to abolish the State as it currently exists. Anarcha-feminists argue that a fully actualized anarchist movement must transform all hierarchical relations — govern- ment and religious institutions, but also sexuality and the family Ackelsberg Instead of treating class, race, or gender divisions as the basic form of domination upon which all others depend, they see hierarchy and formalized authority as the mechanism that both creates and supports all forms of oppression.

A major impasse for anarchist feminists is whether and how the end of the State will equal the end of patriarchy. In a sense, anarchist feminism relies on the notion that when the State ceases to exist, all forms of oppression for example, racism, sexism will diminish as well. This begs an important question: Would gender oppression and violence persist within a non-State society?

We know quite a bit about the societal conditions that help create and perpetuate gendered violence. Men who abuse women usually hold strong beliefs about male entitlement, privilege, and gendered expectations of acceptable behavior for women. These beliefs are created and maintained by social institutions that foster inequality. This is found not only in individual households but also in the economic, cultural, and political structures of many societies. In partnerships and households where people share the decision-making, interpersonal violence is very rare.

Societies where people share decision-making power and have equal access to basic needs such as housing and food would prove crucial in untangling the web of gender oppression. Yet unlearning gender oppression involves more than this. A great deal more needs to be said on the topic, and such a dialogue should involve the voices of women who have experienced gendered violence. How do we respond when a man threatens to kill his partner if she leaves him? When someone harasses a former girlfriend via text message 50 times a day?

Even if gender oppression will diminish alongside the dismantling of the State, a plan is needed for the interim, as well as bridges to walk across. The process of building alternatives and learning how to live them will be a long one. Thus, a viable anarchist response to violence against women is sorely needed. Addressing violence against women 49 Feminists question the law and criminal justice system History illustrates that the law, along with other institutions of the State, is aligned structurally with both capitalism and patriarchy and plays a key role in maintaining the ruling relations of society Snider Critiques of state punish- ment often argue that such responses to violence exemplify forms of power and control.

Messerschmidt , for instance, describes policing as a mechanism by which the status of masculine authority and dominance is secured. Reliance on the criminal justice system helps to legitimize the expansion of the prison-industrial complex. Accordingly, a growing number of feminist scholars and activists recognize the effects of harsher penalties on the more marginalized members of society, and caution against mobilizing class and racial biases in the name of feminist justice.

They do so not only because such action may offer relief to women experiencing violence, but also law is one means of communicating at a societal level that such acts are wrong Daly Restorative approaches to justice focus on repairing the harms caused by crime and creating an active role for the affected parties.

Restorative justice interventions emphasize recognition of harm, healing processes, and reintegration. The interventions work toward social justice through healing encounters between victims and offenders, sponsored by community members.

However, many programs are community-based and driven by unpaid volunteers. Some common expressions of restorative justice today are victim—offender dialogue, family group conferencing, and circles. Victim— offender dialogue involves meetings, facilitated by a trained mediator, during which victims and offenders are encouraged to identify the harm done, to make things right, and to consider future actions Van Ness and Strong Family group conferences are commonly used in New Zealand and Australia as a response to juvenile crime.

They draw from the Native American tradition of using a talking piece, an object which is passed from person to person in a circle. Circles are widely used by native communities in North America and are growing in popularity in states such as Minnesota. Widening the net of social responsibility: involving communities Restorative justice accords a central role to communities in resolving crime prob- lems.

Communities provide support and enforcement; both are deemed necessary to stop violence and to repair the harms caused by it. Friends, families, and neighbors support victims by acknowledging the harm and by offering concrete help in the future.

The community also regulates the behavior of those who do harm. Social disapproval is a regulatory mechanism in the restorative justice model. These provide an alternative for people and communities who distrust the criminal justice system.

Rape-crisis programs and domestic violence shelters demonstrate that communities play a crucial role in responding to violence against women. Yet community efforts are often fragmented or relegated to a single organization that is perpetually under - funded and understaffed.

The activist organization Incite! Women of Color against Violence raises similar concerns about how to create true community accountability. While restorative justice holds potential to reduce and respond to gendered violence, it is largely untested terrain. Feminist scholars and victim advocates have raised important concerns about using restorative processes in domestic violence, and their questions deserve considerable attention.

The example outlined below is based on both current information on existing programs, and my own experiences within a community-based restorative justice group that recently began using sentencing circles for cases of domestic violence. This community group met for approximately four years before testing a pilot case. I make this point to again highlight the preparation and care that should be used when intervening in cases of intimate violence. Interventions carry risks of retaliation against victims, and communities need to have the knowledge, resources, and follow-through if they wish to undertake such a process.

Basics of the circle The community has an opportunity to interrupt cycles of abuse by holding abusers accountable, supporting victims, and serving as allies to both the victim and abuser in their healing transition toward a healthy life in the community. The circle is comprised of diverse community members 3 who determine the dynamics and harm involved in the offense, appropriate sanctions, restoration to the victim s , and reintegration of the offender to the community he has injured.

Domestic violence tends to involve entrenched thought patterns and histories of abuse, so circles continue as long as the process is deemed helpful or necessary. Safety Victim well-being and safety is primary. Victims choose whether and how they wish to participate in the process. Many will choose not to attend circles involving their perpetrator, but may offer information through a third party, such as a victim advocate.

A victim advocate and survivors of domestic violence are always present in sentencing circles for abusers. At least one circle member keeps in regular contact with the victim, outside the presence of the offender, to assess safety and other concerns on an ongoing basis. Offender change The circle prioritizes the need for abusers to take responsibility and to be held accountable. While the circle may condemn his actions, they also offer support to help him change.

The offender is chosen through a screening process, to identify whether he is ready and willing to participate in such a process. This includes taking responsibility for the violence, and an expressed desire to change.

Application circles also assess whether the circle has adequate resources to match the needs of the applicant. Such individuals generally need interventions beyond what a community circle can provide. While circles can be extremely helpful in helping people maintain sobriety, offenders need to be clean and make a commitment to stay that way in order to do the work.

Addressing violence against women 53 Addressing root causes and power imbalances Community members are not necessarily well educated about domestic violence. They may blame victims, minimize harms, or feel confused about how to help. Circles need to be sensitive to — and capable of interrupting — excuses for violence and abusive dynamics that might get acted out however subtly in a circle.

Healing involves the opportunity for story-telling in a forum that encourages the telling and validates the story. Judith Herman argues that this sort of public acknowledgment is often essential for the ultimate resolution of trauma.

Public narratives by victims can also be viewed as inherently political. Abusers are encouraged to take responsibility for their actions and are supported in changing their behaviors. The aim is the restoration of healthy human beings and relationships, and the empowerment of both victim and abuser to live free of violence.

Conclusions A well-known goal of anarchism is the dismantling of the State. Any critique of the State begs the question of what shouldreplace the State and how to create such a project. We must address the question of whether communities can prevent and respond to gendered harms without the State, and what it will take to do so. The same question has been asked of anarchism. The power of our current institutions has virtually robbed us of our ability to share communal knowledge, mutually aid others, and directly respond to ethical problems.

How do people begin to behave in ways that develop their own sense of compassion, competency, and capacity? The anarchist feminist group Mujeres Libres, for example, tried to develop strategies for empowerment that would enable previously subordinated women to realize their own capacities. As Martha Ackelsberg explains : When people join together to exert control over their workplace, their com- munity, the conditions of their day-to-day lives, they experience the changes they make as their own.

Instead of reinforcing the sense of powerlessness that often accompanies modest improvements granted from the top of a hier- archical structure, a strategy of direct action enables people to create their own power. This is the spirit of the restorative justice process. References Ackelsberg, M. Shanley and U. Avrich, P. Braithwaite, J. Tonry and N. Newburn and E.

Stanko eds , Just Boys Doing Business? Men, masculinities and crime, London: Routledge. Addressing violence against women 55 Busch, R. Strang and J. Cheon, A. Coker, D. Daly, K. De Cleyre, V. Berkman ed. DeKeserdy, W. Pepinsky and R. Arrigo ed. Herman, J. Hudson, B. MacKinnon, C. McGillivray, A. Messerschmidt, J. Pranis, K. Presser, L. Smart, C. Snider, L. Stubbs, J. Cook and J. Sullivan, D. Van Ness, D. Ward, C. Zehr, H. Even as some actions end and some collectives of people disintegrate, something might be grown from the beginning to remain behind and serve future generations of anarchists as a starting point and place for activity and life.

The neo-liberal economic system in which life anarchic or otherwise takes place, has much to do with the setting of life. It is with and in this system that anarchists must vie for living room. Hence, the need for economic thought among anarchists. Additionally, in giving attention to the background of life, something vague needs to be preserved.

I contend that direct action needs a place that endures; it needs a built environment with anarchic qualities. This would be an environment that induces the habit of acting directly for ourselves, without thought of someone else doing it for us.

In the United States, accord- ingly, the house-owning class is vast, and the economic background of life related to it poses the greatest challenge to thinking about transforming tectonic practice. Anarchic thinking suggests a different economic basis for relating to the built environment. I am not imagining a total, novel system, but letting a plurality of theories self- organize into an anarchist economic vision. This requires not only criticism of the dominant economic paradigm, but also the inventive imagination of the goal.

Without the goals set up by human thinking and acting, we aim at nothing and hit nothing. Thus, my second-order theory aims not for wholesale replacement of an economy, but gradual and piecemeal transformation. I contend that there is no essentially anarchist economic theory or anarchist economy. Anarchic economic theory is only constituted as a family of resem- blances in theorizing about economic matters; having these resemblances is what gets contending theories into the arena.

No single position in the argument vanquishes all others. But an autogenerative principle comes from within to help identify the features of an anarchist economy: anarchy among theories is the standard of choosing theories to contribute to anarchist economic theory. Rather than relying on any one economic theory, anarchist thought sidles up alongside every alternative to the mediating nightmares we live under today. So, less an anarchist economy and more an anarchic economic thinking. There are several models of economic relations that have something to add to anarchic economic thinking.

Each of these visions not only negates epochal economic relations in contemporary societies, but they also design economic arrangements that are explicitly com- mitted to and structured by the values of autonomy, cooperation, inventiveness, self-control, joy, and balance, among others — none of which are values highly ranked by epochal economies i. A general theory of economy Anarchic thinking needs a general theory of economics that, in its very structure, allows for unmediated exchange relations to be included among economic phenomena.

Economy has always been in some sense themanagement of things, even from its coining in Greece long ago and through all the changes in sense. Economic theory in the European cultural region developed as a substance economics: what are managed are things, represented by money. But more recent philosophy and much science has broken up the ice of substance metaphysics.

We need a correlative, non-substance economics. Flow is most basic, since the earth and all its products are dynamic events, and any description of it discloses a network of always-already connected events, coming from some states and heading toward others. In the case of the bicycle, ownership brings the movement of the bicycle through the system of exchange activities to a halt. It comes to relative rest for a period of time in the possession of one person. The coffee beans by contrast are destroyed in their being owned.

There is no sense in having the beans simply to have them. They are to be consumed. The bicycle is not to be consumed; it is to be used. Use is open-handed. Consumption is transformative. Coffee beans, for example, become forms of energy through conversion into a stimulant, and the grounds become compost. Economics is thus a view of some of the conditions of individual experiencing as part of social life. What does experiencing apply to, and how does management of it take place?

This last is the open-ended possibility of existing; it is selfhood. For Nietzsche, this required continually bringing a new person into being. This innovation gave rise in history to numerous philosophies of becoming, which is the tradition which birthed my own thinking on these matters. But becoming assumes self-managed experiencing, an assumption that is always betrayed by the interference actions of mediating others. Anarchist economic actions will always guarantee the self-determination of experiencing and take mediation to be a deal-breaker.

Epochal economies — in market and central-coordinator forms — rely for their support and operation upon the act of reifying either the market or state, and transferring to capitalists or bureaucrats the management of part or all of the important aspects of experiencing.

Hence, by extension, epochal economies mediate human exchange action. Communities need to be economically embedded in the regional geography Alperovitz To address these issues, Alperovitz insists on a society that comes together from below in its economic processes, forming from multitudes of voluntary, self-organizing exchange actions. At the heart of every exchange action is participation. The development of that public trust requires in turn a transformation of community life, along cooperative lines, for it is in the local communities that the skills and dispositions necessary to cooperation on a larger scale are learned and built up.

He does not mention humanitarian gains, but it is easily imagined that life in a worker-managed workplace is better overall for all involved, including bosses, who are to be elected by workers. Regional distributions are proportional to the population. The idea is to ensure wide distribution of tax-sourced monies to entrepreneurial, cooperatively structured businesses.

By this social mechanism, he aims to bring rampant individual wealth accumulation under control and increase the well-being of the social body. Building on contemporary trends in employee-stock ownership plans, workers are elevated to full ownership, so that capital remains in the hands of the laborers, as does control over the company Schweickart But it is probably obvious to the anarchist reader that such a vision exercises control from the top down, as the original soviet system was to have done.

In representative democracy, individuals and groupings substantially give up self-determination for easier but thinner moment- to-moment existence, allowing elected representatives to control macroscopic and mesoscopic issues and processes. Representational democracy mediates what could, in the advanced digital age, be worked out directly and voluntarily,12 rather than being indirectly decided through representatives and then coercively foisted upon the represented.

This means that his model allows present political structures and processes to repeat themselves: election of representatives, legislation by bodies of repre- sentatives, policy-making and police powers exercised by departments of the executive branch.

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Investing in gold and silver 2015 vw In partnerships and households where people share the decision-making, interpersonal violence is very rare. With a few exceptions, contemporary anarchism which dates roughly from Bookchin to Zerzanhas not done much better. This is not to say that American anarchism has been completely silent on race. Of course the phrase is Freudian, but its most remarkable ontological challenges are found in texts such as that of Deleuze and Guattari, and Lyotard. The Chinese will stop at nothing to get ahead.
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Best month to invest The productive energies of all Chinese are unleashed at the drop of a hat. What we want to know, rather, is how to build relations, or relations of non-relation, between forms and ways of life. All liaisons are, until proven otherwise, dangerous. Local banks, despite shoddy service, are embraced because they omnipresent. I leave such divagations for future inquiries. He ought to be put into an asylum. Pedestrian right of way is a theoretical abstraction.


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Whose interpretation is correct? However there are many times you can discover a pretty good reason. Order flow trading is a journey of personal discovery, development as well as market discovery. You can look at what is going on economically on a global scale etc. This process can take a long time as you are going through the personal discovery process as well. For me it took about 6 months and around 1, hours before I felt confident that I knew the reason WHY prices was doing what it was doing.

Then add another months to refine your strategy and get your psychology and money management straightened out and you can become successful. For some people getting through this process can be the most difficult because they struggle to determine with conviction why price did what it did. They struggle to capture and explain to themselves the market variables that occur.

Once you learn what orderflow trading is and you spend some time on it your view of what exactly it means begins to change as you start to mold it to fit your personality. Some people may never truly understand what order flow trading is beyond the textbook definition. Once you start learning WHY price is doing what is it doing you need to start making some judgment calls about what is affecting the market and what is NOT.

You need to be able to say with a high degree of certainty that this variable or series of market variables moves the market. You start to learn what is dominant theme that is in play. You start to learn what is important what is not important and most importantly the market environment that is required to render certain variables in play.

You begin to play out in your mind various scenarios for different countries and how that would play out in the currency markets. You learn what are the variables required to cause a rise and fall. Therefore, traders must know what they are doing in the market. When the market builds the order block, it moves like a range where most of the investing decisions happen. The market makes a sharp move towards both upside and downsize once the order building is completed.

The key term of the order block trading strategy is that it includes what the institutional traders are doing. As they are the key price driver, any strategy that includes institutional trading might.

Financial institutes do not make a sudden investment in any trading instrument. They spend a lot of money on analysis to get the best trading result. Furthermore, they play with the money that is often impossible to arrange by retail traders.

Smart money makes several steps in their trading based on the availability of the price. Order block seems like a range, but every range is not an order block. Therefore, we will rely on the best location and price action to identify a suitable order block. Besides the order block, we have to know what the order flow is. Once the price starts a movement from an order block, it provides an order flow towards any direction. Order flow from a higher timeframe indicates a market direction, and we have to find the order block towards the direction of it.

From the above section, we have seen what the institutional order block and order flow is. In this trading strategy, we will use 1 hour- 4 hours or the daily timeframe to enter the trade and weekly timeframe to identify the order flow.

Furthermore, we will use the Fibonacci to identify the potential location from where the market is expected to move. The best part of this trading strategy is that it can provide profitable trades in all currency pairs. In the weekly timeframe, we will look for the price that tested an order block and moving higher or lower.

Once it completes the test and starts the movement will find the direction. In the image above, we can see that the price moved higher and came back sharply towards the order block with an impulsive bearish pressure but did not break the lowest. After the rejection candle, we will wait for the price to move higher with a candle close. Once the candle closes, we found our weekly order flow.

Later on, we will move to the H4 or daily timeframe and identify the order block to trade towards the direction of the order flow.

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